Economist and historian Mahbub Ullah has argued that Bangladesh, despite 54 years of independence, remains economically fragile and politically fractured. In a recent commentary, he contrasted Bangladesh’s limited industrial progress with Vietnam’s socialist-driven industrialization, noting that Bangladesh’s economy still depends heavily on garments and remittances. He warned that poverty has risen from 18% to 22% in four years due to inflation and job scarcity, while investment remains stagnant.

Ullah accused past governments of fostering oligarchic kleptocracy, capital flight, and institutional decay. He claimed that corruption and state capture have undermined democracy and economic vitality. The economist also alleged that Indian influence has compromised Bangladesh’s sovereignty through trade barriers and political interference.

He urged national unity to counter external dominance and restore confidence in state institutions, warning that internal political divisions and social media hostility threaten the country’s stability. His call emphasized the need for structural reform, economic diversification, and a renewed commitment to national self-reliance.

Bangladesh stands at a pivotal juncture as the nation prepares for its next general election following the July 2024 mass uprising that reshaped the country’s political landscape. The uprising, driven by grassroots frustration with authoritarianism and inequality, has intensified calls for a fair, participatory election and deep institutional reform. Reform proposals under Professor Muhammad Yunus’s interim administration have introduced structural changes to the Election Commission, though key recommendations—such as an independent delimitation body and recall voting—were excluded.

Analysts warn that public trust in the electoral process remains fragile after years of politicized governance. Concerns persist over the influence of money, partisan administration, and weak law enforcement. Political parties’ confrontational rhetoric and reports of violence, including an attack on Inquilab leader Sharif Osman Hadi, have raised fears of voter intimidation. Media independence and digital misinformation also pose challenges.

Experts emphasize that democratic transition requires more than a single election. Institutional accountability, judicial independence, anti-corruption measures, and inclusion of women and marginalized groups are essential to fulfilling the July uprising’s promise of a just, participatory republic.

Bangladesh’s interim government, formed after the fall of an authoritarian regime, is preparing for national elections amid rising regional security challenges. Despite political stabilization, the country faces mounting external and internal threats, including India’s expanded military presence near the northern border, insurgent activity in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, and instability from Myanmar’s civil war. Analysts warn that Bangladesh’s outdated defense infrastructure—comprised largely of obsolete tanks, aircraft, and naval assets—cannot meet these evolving threats.

A proposed modernization roadmap outlines a three-phase plan from 2025 to 2040 to rebuild the armed forces into a technologically advanced, integrated defense system. Immediate priorities include acquiring modern main battle tanks, 4.5-generation fighter jets, guided-missile frigates, and advanced air defense systems. Midterm goals focus on joint command structures, domestic defense production, and cyber and drone warfare capabilities. Long-term objectives envision a blue-water navy and AI-driven defense research. Experts emphasize increasing defense spending to 2% of GDP and launching defense bonds for expatriates. The plan underscores that national security, not politics, must now be Bangladesh’s foremost priority.

Bangladesh’s interim government led by Nobel laureate Dr. Muhammad Yunus has initiated a major realignment in foreign policy, emphasizing national sovereignty and reduced dependence on India. Following Sheikh Hasina’s fall from power after mass protests, Yunus has sought to reassert Bangladesh’s diplomatic independence by strengthening ties with China, Turkey, and Pakistan while maintaining engagement with Western partners. His administration’s early moves include reviving the Teesta River project with Chinese participation and signing agreements to modernize Mongla Port.

This shift recalls the foreign policy of former President Ziaur Rahman, who steered Bangladesh away from the Soviet-India axis in the late 1970s. Analysts note that Yunus’s approach has unsettled New Delhi, which had long enjoyed strategic influence over Dhaka’s political and defense affairs. Indian media have responded critically, reflecting growing unease over Bangladesh’s diversification of alliances.

The new policy’s implications are significant: it could reshape South Asian geopolitics by balancing regional powers and enhancing Bangladesh’s bargaining position. However, the transition also carries risks of diplomatic friction with India and challenges in sustaining economic and security cooperation across competing blocs.

Following the July–August revolution, Bangladesh’s interim government initiated an ambitious administrative reform drive, forming 11 commissions to restructure governance, decentralize power, and curb corruption. The Public Administration Reform Commission proposed reducing ministries from 43 to 25 and divisions from 61 to 40, introducing merit-based promotions, and creating a professional, citizen-oriented bureaucracy. However, several proposals, such as converting divisions into provinces, have been criticized as unrealistic.

The reform process has been derailed by entrenched cadre rivalries, particularly over the deputy secretary promotion quota, and by persistent political interference in recruitment and transfers. Administrative cadres protested against the proposed 50:50 quota, while other cadres supported it as a step toward equality. Analysts note that despite reform rhetoric, political parties have failed to prioritize bureaucratic neutrality and accountability.

Experts warn that without political consensus, transparent implementation, and institutional safeguards against politicization, the reform agenda risks stagnation. The future of Bangladesh’s bureaucracy now hinges on whether the government can enforce merit-based systems and restore public trust in state institutions.

The Bangladesh government has assigned armed bodyguards and initiated firearm licensing for several political figures and July Movement leaders following a surge in security concerns. Among those receiving protection are former interim government adviser and National Citizens’ Party (NCP) convener Nahid Islam, NCP coordinators Hasnat Abdullah, Tasnim Zara, and Sarjis Alam. The move follows recent violent incidents, including the daylight shooting of activist Sharif Osman Hadi, which heightened fears of targeted attacks against anti-hegemony and sovereignty advocates.

Security agencies have reportedly identified a hit list targeting individuals critical of India’s influence in Bangladesh’s internal politics. In response, multiple politicians from parties such as BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami, Jatiya Party, and LDP have applied for armed protection. Authorities confirmed that several requests are being processed, with some already approved. Additional Inspector General Khondker Rafiqul Islam stated that all applicants seeking security are being reviewed carefully.

The decision underscores the government’s attempt to stabilize the political environment ahead of upcoming elections, though it also reflects deepening mistrust and polarization within Bangladesh’s political landscape.

Sharif Osman Hadi, one of the prominent leaders of Bangladesh’s 2024 July uprising that toppled Sheikh Hasina’s government, died on December 18, 2025, in Singapore after being shot in Dhaka on December 12. The 32-year-old activist had emerged as a key figure in the post-revolt political landscape, leading the Inquilab Manch and promoting the ‘July Charter’—a proposed roadmap for a new political order emphasizing cultural independence and national identity.

Hadi’s politics centered on a Bengali Muslim identity and opposition to what he termed India-backed “cultural fascism.” While some student leaders joined Muhammad Yunus’s interim government or formed the National Citizen Party, Hadi’s faction remained independent, mobilizing grassroots groups. His assassination has triggered allegations of involvement by Bangladesh’s “deep state,” though police have arrested several suspects linked to the attack.

His death underscores the fragility of Bangladesh’s post-Hasina transition. With the July Charter referendum planned alongside the February 2026 elections, Hadi’s absence may reshape alliances among youth-led movements and challenge the interim government’s legitimacy.

Bangladesh’s International Crimes Tribunal-1 is set to hold a hearing on Monday to formally frame charges against former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s adviser Salman F Rahman and former law minister Anisul Huq. The two are accused of inciting violence and imposing curfews that led to civilian deaths during the July Revolution, a period of political upheaval that followed the fall of the Awami League government.

The three-member tribunal, chaired by Justice Golam Mortuza Majumdar with members Shafiul Alam Mahmud and retired judge Mohitul Haque Enam Chowdhury, will hear arguments from the prosecution before defense lawyers present their statements. The formal charges were submitted on December 4, following the pair’s arrest on August 13, shortly after the government’s collapse.

Legal analysts say the case marks a critical test for Bangladesh’s post-revolution justice process. The tribunal’s decision on whether to proceed to trial could influence future accountability measures for alleged human rights violations during the July events.

Leaders of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam have collected nomination papers on behalf of Syed Talha Alam, the AB Party candidate for Sunamganj-3 (Shantiganj-Jagannathpur) constituency. The papers were collected from the Jagannathpur Upazila Election Office under the leadership of central and local Jamiat figures, signaling cross-party cooperation ahead of the upcoming national election.

Talha Alam, formerly the publicity secretary of Jamiat’s Mufti Wakkas faction, joined the AB Party on December 16 with the consent of senior Jamiat leaders. Several Jamiat members, including Maulana Hossain Ahmed and Hafiz Syed Wazirul Haque, pledged to work for his campaign, emphasizing unity beyond party lines. They described Alam as a trusted colleague and expressed commitment to voter outreach and campaign coordination.

Political observers view this alliance as evidence of Alam’s grassroots appeal and leadership credibility. His candidacy, supported by both AB Party and former Jamiat activists, is expected to strengthen his position in the constituency and potentially reshape local political dynamics ahead of the national polls.

Students at Dhaka University have renewed calls to rename halls and structures bearing the Sheikh family’s names, arguing that such titles symbolize past political dominance. The movement gained momentum following the killing of activist Sharif Osman Hadi, prompting the Dhaka University Central Students’ Union (DUCSU) to stage a sit-in and submit a memorandum to the administration demanding the removal of what they call ‘symbols of fascism.’ Protesters proposed renaming Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Hall to ‘Shaheed Osman Hadi Hall’ and Begum Fazilatunnesa Mujib Hall to ‘Fellani Hall.’

The issue has sparked internal debate within student bodies, with some hall representatives objecting to DUCSU’s unilateral announcements. Alternative names such as ‘Captain Sitara Begum Hall’ also received strong student support. University officials stated that final decisions will be made in an upcoming syndicate meeting. The controversy reflects broader tensions following the July uprising, as students seek to align campus symbols with what they describe as the spirit of political change.

Observers note that the outcome may set a precedent for renaming politically affiliated institutions nationwide, testing the balance between historical legacy and post-uprising reform sentiment.

BNP candidate for Dhaka-6, Engineer Ishraque Hossain, announced that the party’s acting chairman Tarique Rahman is expected to return to Bangladesh on December 25, where millions of supporters will welcome him. Speaking at a women’s wing event in Gopibagh, Dhaka, Ishraque said there is no concern over Rahman’s safety, asserting that the people themselves will safeguard their leader.

Hossain emphasized the importance of women’s participation in politics, noting that women make up about 52% of the electorate. He pledged that a future BNP government would introduce special laws and a ‘Family Card’ program to empower women financially. On election integrity, he said BNP seeks a free and fair vote and is training polling agents, with plans to assign female agents to women’s centers.

Criticizing the ruling Awami League, Hossain accused it of destroying voting rights over the past 17 years. He vowed that if BNP returns to power, it will repatriate misappropriated funds and invest them for public welfare.

Inkilab Mancha has announced a protest march demanding the execution of those involved in the killing of its spokesperson, Shahid Sharif Osman Hadi. The march is scheduled for Monday, December 22, starting from Shahid Hadi Chattar in Shahbagh and ending at the Central Shaheed Minar. The announcement was made on Sunday through the organization’s verified Facebook page.

Osman Hadi, who was contesting as an independent candidate in Dhaka-8 constituency, was shot in the head on December 12 while campaigning in Purana Paltan. He was initially treated at Dhaka Medical College Hospital and later transferred to Evercare Hospital before being flown to Singapore on December 15, where he died on December 18. Following his death, a previously filed attempted murder case was converted into a murder case at Paltan Police Station.

The protest reflects growing frustration among supporters demanding swift justice. Law enforcement agencies are under pressure to identify and prosecute those responsible, while political observers warn of heightened tensions ahead of the upcoming election period.

United Peoples Bangladesh (UP Bangladesh) chief organizer Nayeem Ahmad has accused the Dr. Muhammad Yunus-led interim government of losing direction by failing to rely on public support. Speaking at a protest in Dhaka’s Shahbagh area, Ahmad said the government’s detachment from the people has endangered justice, reform, and the upcoming election. The rally was organized to protest recent killings and arson attacks, including the deaths of labor leader Dipu Chandra and a child named Ayesha.

Ahmad alleged that a fascist network, left unchecked within law enforcement, is orchestrating nationwide sabotage. He criticized the government for not purging loyalists of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and for ignoring the role of intelligence agencies, which he said remain “actively inactive.” He urged rebuilding trust between the government and citizens to ensure a fair election.

Speakers also demanded accountability from the Home Affairs Adviser and immediate action to stop ongoing violence. Ahmad expressed solidarity with the Inquilab Manch’s two-point program and called for protection of those who participated in the July uprising.

Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has ordered a full review of the country’s police and intelligence agencies following a violent attack at Bondi Beach. The decision, announced on Sunday, aims to assess whether existing security frameworks and authorities are adequate to protect Australians from emerging threats.

In a statement, Albanese described the incident as a “horrific antisemitic terrorist attack” and said the government would examine the coordination, capacity, and preparedness of law enforcement and intelligence bodies. The review will evaluate how effectively these agencies share information and respond to extremist violence.

The move reflects growing concern over domestic security and social cohesion in Australia. Analysts expect the review to recommend stronger inter-agency cooperation and updated counterterrorism strategies. Findings from the assessment are likely to shape future national security policies and resource allocation.

The Bangladesh Commission of Inquiry on Disappearances has alleged that certain groups are deliberately attempting to question its neutrality and credibility. In a press release issued on Sunday, the commission urged patriotic citizens to remain alert and not be misled by false or provocative claims circulating on social and mainstream media.

Signed by Secretary Kudrat-e-Elahi, the statement clarified that recent reports linking an individual named Khandaker Rakib to the commission’s interrogation activities are entirely baseless. The commission emphasized that Rakib has never been employed by or participated in any of its proceedings. It described these claims as part of a broader effort to obstruct or influence its ongoing work.

The commission reaffirmed its commitment to conducting investigations with impartiality and respect for the families of disappeared persons. It called for public cooperation and cautioned against spreading misinformation that could erode trust in the inquiry process.